
./fa? 

*3 



Hollinger 

P H8.5 

Mill Run F3-1719 







cdi of lion. Wm. IK Kelley in the Northrop- 
KeUey Debate, 

AT SITING GARDEN INSTITUTE. WEDNESDAY, SEITEMB 



PHOtrOOBAPHIC B.XF0BT W D. WOLFS BBOWV. 

Some of you would probably be a little offended if 1 were to address you a 
and. kittens ;" yel I would be justified in doing bo by the language employed by my distin- 
guished opponent on the lasl evening of our discussion, for be told at thai we have all been 
used as Bimple cats by thai cunning old monkey, New England, to take bet chestnuts ou1 >>t' 
the fire— from which I infer thai be regards our soldiers away off there in their distant encamp- 
ments as hut poor unsuspecting kittens, who are being used Ijy thai old monkey to pluck her 
chestnuts oufof the fire. 1 had supposed, until 1 heard this suggestion, thai they were there 
trying to re-establish the unity of our country and the supremacy of our Constitution, and to give 
again to our flag, in the eyes of all men and nations, the prestige that belongs to it. J had 
supposed, men of Pennsly vania, that when your fathers made "a more perfect onion," in order 
that, among other blessings, their posterity might enjoy liberty, they worked for you as well 
as for the people of New England ; and 1 also supposed thai the workingmen of Pennsylvania, 
who may nave found thai from their daily labor they cannot lay up capital enough to leave 
their families above want, have a personal interest in the public lands of this country, which, 
so far as they lie in Florida, Louisiana, and those States west of the Mississippi, which were 
carved out of the Louisiana territory, were bought by us or our ancestors with our mon 
by the blood of our brothers — that they have Bueh an interest in these public Ian Is as to feel 
that it were better that the elder horn boy of each family should die in the defence of this 
right than that the old parents and the younger children should be robbed of so benefici a\ a 
heritage. 1 have explained to you that those lands are yours — that you have hut to pitch a 
canvas tent np on the given number. of acres, and occupy them for live years, when, at the 
mere cost id' a deed, the Governmeni must give you a written and indefeasible title to them. 
And yet my friend so overlooked you in his detestation of New England that he can onlj 
her chestnuts in the great conflagration now prevailing. 

I believe in an offensive war. 1 complained of Abraham Lincoln that he did not drive on 
the war fast enough. I urged him from the time that McClcllan's defection from our e 
cause became apparent to me till he left the command, to make the war aggressive. And in 
conducting- these debates 1 have been better pleased to take my own field, and to put my 
friend upon the defensive, than to dance around in any narrow circle that he might he pleased 
to fashion or prescribe for me. 

To the question whether 1 " approve of any or all of the twenty-three acta of I <01 - 
having; for its object the declared purpose of giving to the negro all the rights, immunities, 
and privileges which have hitherto been enjoyed by the white man only." I give a partial 
answer to-night by saying that there are no such laws on the statute book, and asking 
friend to point to one such, promising to make a fuller reply to the question when it cones in 
my way. if he shall have done so. .Meanwhile, I protest that there is not such a law ou tin 
statute books of this country. 

I make these preliminary remarks and add the sad reflection that my friend has at none of 
our three meetings had a word of condemnation for any Southern Rebel, whether civilian or 
soldier. Yes, having seen our Hag fired upon — our fortifications, our custom houses, our post 
offices, our national hospitals, our mints, our territory taken possession of -having heard from 
the Rebel Secretary of War on the night on which the Btorming ofSumter was announced at 
Montgomery, Alabama, that before the then coming first of May the " stars and bars" would 
float over the Capitol of our country in Washington— having before his view the graves of 
hundreds of thousands of Americans who have died in this war for the defence of our Hag— 
the gentleman has no word of condemnation for the perpetrators of these Climes, but tells 
that he has an "American repugnance to the use of bayonets and the knocking on! of men's 
brains." I am not very fond (d' it myself; hut 1 confess 1 had rather put a bayone-1 through 
another man than have him put one through me: and. my fellow-citizens, we had n I 
such a point that we must creep and crawl, am! beg from thi invaders the privilege to In 
like Americans indeed, must tight ; and it will I 



2 

me that in a war of Belf defence an American 1ms a "repugnance to 

ing out the brains" of the invader of hie home or country. It is not an "American 

The American people are the most martial people in the world. There is not 

a man in this whole assemblage. or in the district whieh 1 have the honor to represent, who, 

onndrel Bhonld come into his honse, insult his wife, and offer outrage to his daughter in 

li j - presence, would not brain the miscreant on the spot. The rebels are endeavoring to rob 

your wives and children of their patrimony and you of your honor; and the gentleman feels 

and confi sees an " American repugnance to pointing a bayonet" at them. I tell you all that 

1 am for war— war right straight forward until every rebel shall have laid down his bayonet; 

and if he will not lay it down until his brains arc knocked out. then 1 am in favor of .knocking 

them out; because we must have peace, and with that peacewe must enjoy possession of 

ever; acre and every inch of our country. 1 do no1 want to see the war cease as long as there 

is upon our soil an armed band bearing a foreign flag. My honor and yours is involved in 

tins issue. We are pledged by the memory of our ancestors to overcome the rebel hordes; 

we art' bpund by all the hopes of our posterity and of humanity to do it. 

The gentleman Bays he "is not the champion of a defunct administration." Let me ask 
him whether he believes in the Chicago Platform? 

Mr. Northrop. Which one — Lincoln's or the last one? 
Judge Kelley. 1 mean the Fernando Wood platform. 
Mr. Northrop. 1 do not know any such platform. 

Judge Kelley. If it is to be regarded as the platform of any man. let it lie ascribed to him 
who had a potenl voice in making it, and not to him who was heroically struggling with the 
multifarious affairs of our distracted country at the time when it was making. I mean that 
platform which pledges the Democracy to the "Union under the Constitution in the future as 
Pot Mr. Buchanan's Administration was part of the past of that party, and the 
phraseology of that resolution was adopted to delude ignorant and thoughtless men. and 
them to believe that it is a pledge to the maintenance of the Constitution and the 
country, while in fact it is a pledge that if that party should come into power, the Union and 
the Constitution will be maintained in 1864 just as they were in 1860, when that party was 
in power. I have spent two evenings in showing how that was. It was by building up a 
rebel Confederacy, by arming it and by giving it a navy, and by stripping you of arms; it was 
Anally by surrendering the public property throughout the South, and the larger part of our 
country to that armed Confederacy. Therefore, the man who stands up for the Chicago plat- 
form is bound by those words "as in the past'' to vindicataartike the Administration of James 
Buchanan and Franklin Tierce. Those administrations are a portion of the Democratic 
;id they constitute the last eighl years of its " past," and that is the " past" 
to which the authors of 'the Chicago platform refer when they limit their pledge of devotion 
to the Union, by the phrase " in Hie future as in the past." No man can defend t!n> Chicago 
platform and its nominees who dissents from James Buchanan's message, which announced 
,,, the people of the South, that the loyal man who dare stand by his country and his 
counl insl tie' secessionists of his sovereign State, would do so at his peril, and 

in defiance of the Administration of dames Buchanan. 

Ml come to the Chicago platform byand by, and diseuss it fully. My purpose to-night 
ib to go "ii ;.- 1 have begun, and when we shall have ascertained the precise position of both 
parties with reference to the great question of maintaining our country and its Constitution, 
it will l»e time enough to go into details aboul acts of Congress, my votes on particular lulls, 
and other such questions. I did not pronounce the gentleman's questions ••metaphysical." 
I simply -aid that, by tin 1 terms of our agreement, I was net pledged to answer any meta- 
. question that he might see (it to propound to me. 
I read 'i- you on last Monday evening an article, the 8th of the Constitution of the S. G. 
('.■-. a Been t oath-bound association, ami to-mgh1 I proceed in pursuance of my argument to 
-how von that the Democratic party — no1 the masses of the party- God knows there are 
many honest and unsuspecting members of the party: there are many of them who believe 
that' tie- party '•till stands by the doctrines of its fathers; there are many of them who have 
not had the courage to tear themselves away from the leaders who have long enjoyed their 
confidence, and of such I donot Bpeak. 1 speak of the designing leaders, the managers of the 
party, ami 1 say that it is their object now, a- it was in I860, to dismember the union ; and 
,,, th i! I will tell yon why my learned friend bo assails New England. It is not 

that lie hat,-- hi- ,.|d alma mat( >■. Sale College. He took occasion t" tell you that i had spent 
i,, m- .. a, New England. So did la-. I happened, however, to spend thoseyears near 
Bunker Hill, in the State which gave birth t,, Hancock and mis. old 8am Adams and John 
.. „ ; while lie -pent bis in the little Stat,- that gave birth to both Benedict 
Arnold and Isaac Touceyl I donot mean to say thai his residence there affected his political 
■ I was, a mere boy, or one just stepping over the threshold of man- 
hood. II ■ ' there obtaining that education which bo adorns his speech. I was there as 
an humble youth in the workshop, earning my daily bread by my daily labor. And we both 
red by the good influences of New England. Connecticut, though she did 
rrender our army, and one who sent twenty- 



3 

seven of .the finest Bbipa of our nav) to a foreign enemy— -ia aa patrioti any in the 

Onion. Why, sir, among the twelve Apostles there was a Judas ; and we are nol to condemn 
a State or a section, becau e il ha given birth to a couple of traitors whose namea will Btand 
prereminenl in history for their treason. The gentleman was nol hurt by being in New I 
land; he was nol poisoned by breathing the air of the State thai gave birth toToucej and 
Arnold. And he does nol hate New England ; be does bul echo the slang of the Southern 
leaders of his party when he abuses her bo. They hope by this means to accomplish a certain 
result, after they shall have sundered the Onion. They endeavor everywhere and by all means 
to poison the mind of the masses of people against New England. Thia ia nol done without 
an object They want to granl an armistice, which would resull in a surrender to the South* 
Now thai we have fairly whipped tin' South they wish aa to fall down on our, kneea and i i 
the slave-masters of thai sacred region to give aa pardon rot having been bo bold. Their 
object is to lei the South go in peace, hoping thai we can woo her baby-Belling and woman- 
whipping aristocracy to associate with as again by promising thai New Englana shall be pul 
out in the cold or thrown over to a Canadian confederacy. Thai is the aim. The leaders of 
that party do not believe that "the laborer is worthy of his hire." They have no word of 
denunciation for slavery or the slave-drivers; but for New England, which givea education 
and wages to every man coming into her borders, by birth or emigration, for free New Eng- 
land with her public schools and social equality, they teem with denunciation. 

1 shall proceed to show that their purpose is just what I have said — to dismember the 
Union in the hope of organizing a Onion as a greal slave empire, based on the sentiment 
proclaimed byJBerschel v. Johnson, in our own Independence Square, at the greal Demo- 
cratic meeting, on the 17th of September, L856. He then and there said: "The difference 
between us, gentlemen, is this- we think it better that capital should own its own labor, while 
you believe that capital should hire its labor." 1 charge upon the leaders of the Democrat 
party a wilful design to degrade the laboring masses of this country by nationalizing slavery. 
They know the stubborn resistance which New England presents to this object, and therefore 
they are going through this land deriding New Englanders, and. as my compet i to)' did, denounc- 
ing Plymouth Rock and its incidents as "adisgrace to any people," poisoning the mind of the 
country in the hope that, by pursuing the course that McClellan pursued while he was at the 
bead of the army— spending money and refusing to advance — they will yet BO exhaust the 
patriotism aud energies of the people as to induce them to consent to the arrangement 1 have 
indicated. 

The section of the Constitution of the S. (J. C.'s which! read showed you that the 
within that party a secret organization which boasts of five hundred thousand men. and that 
it is a military organization under the charge of a '•supreme commander." who ".-hall be 
commander-in-chief of all military forces belonging to the order iu the various State.-, when 
called into actual service." The S. G. C.'s are not organized like the company to which the 
gentlemen referred, for dress parades, but for active service as fighting men. 

And, by the way, I may as well refer to the gentleman's story of the volunteer who turned 
one way wheu ordered to go the other, and complained that the company he had thus Left hoi 
deserted him. "While you were recovering from the paroxysm produced by this bit of facetia 
he inquired whether I admitted that I had left the Democratic party or charged that it had 
left me. That does not admit of a question ; it left me. The men who forced ( lalhoun'a fata! 
dogmas on the party forced all thinking and honest Democrats to choose between their good 
principles and evil and dangerous associations. Thus forced to elect, I chose to adhe 
my principles, and let those would-be leaders and their pliant followers go where they might. 
Nor was my decision singular. The masses of the Democracy concurred in it. Look a; 
Maine. The people of Maine by twenty thousand used to be with the Democratic party, bnl 
they have just rolled up a majority of nearly twenty thousand for the party with which I co- 
operate. New Hampshire used to be with the Democratic party by an almost unbroken vote : 
she was as solid as Berks County. She now as sturdily repudiates the false leaders, principle-. 
and measures of the party. Connecticut used to be a Democratic State. Connecticut now 
sends to Congress three members belonging to the same party with me. aud a fourth (Mr. 
English) who is denounced by the leaders of his party in Congress because, though nominally 
a member of their party, he has voted steadily against it on all questions of men and money 
to carry on the war; and he could not stand up a day in Connecticut unless he did so. New- 
York was an inveterately Democratic State : but her majority against McClellan, 1 am told 
by the most knowing men of the State, will be a hundred thousand. Ohio used t<> be a deter- 
minedly Democratic State. Did she not give a majority of one hundred thousand againsl fcne 
"exiled patriot," Vallandigham. Iowa used to be a Democratic State; but her Bona stood 
with me by the principles of the party, and now, with an overwhelming majority, go with tin- 
party that I support. Was not Missouri a Democratic State ? She kept old 1 om Benton m 
the United States Senate for thirty consecutive years ; yet she is more radical to-day than BLas- 
sachusetts, and the quarrel of the leading men of the State with Mr. Lincoln was that he has 
not been radical and rapid enough. Have 1 not shown that the base dement ol the, party 
sloughed off from the old platform of principles ? It was no mere " corporal s guard they 
left behind; but the controlling men and animating principles ol the old party— yes. gentle- 



4 

• that the preBent comipl leaders of the Democratic party — left me staml- 
ing "ii the principles of Jefferson, Madison, and Jackson. 

1 will take another tesl and prove my assertion. Who are the Democratic leaders to-day 
al] over the country? Lei as Iook al our own city. I>o you not all know that 1 have battled 
politically with my friends Win. B. Reed, and Josiah Randall, and George M. Wharton, all 
mv life, and with my distinguished friend here, when he was a Whig member of our City 
Councils? Theleaders are nol the Bame; the principles are not the same. Gen. Lewis 
Cass lives, al leas! so the newspapers Inform me, to give his vigorous dissent to the Chicago 
platform. Preston King and tin- greal Democrats of New York. George Bancroft, Hannibal 
Hamlin. (ban-ire S. Houtwell, and scores of tin- jrreat leaders of the Democracy of New Eng- 
1 ii. ! John A. Dix, Daniel S. Dickinson, Benjamin Butler, Grant, Sherman, Farragut — are 
all Democrats of the old Bchool, but all stand by their country and its flag, and the Adminis- 
tration thai is striving to maintain that country and flag. Gentlemen, if my " company" is 
small, it has. to Bay the least, Borne very good soldiers in it. Yon will not tell me that I need 
be ashamed of it ! 

1 now turn to the proceedings of the Grand Council of the State of Indians, at their meet- 
in •: held on the L6th and 17th of February, 1864 The session (dosed with a resolution "That 
the Grand Secretary prepare and publish, in pamphlel form, the address of the Grand Com- 
mander, with such part or the proceedings of the Grand Council as may be necessary for the 
information of the County Temples, and send one copy of said publication to each County 
Temple." 

The Grand Commander begins by addressing his hearers as "Councillors," and in the course 
of bis remarks, says : — 

•• We are organized for a high and noble purpose, the erection and consecration of Temples 
to the service of true Republicanism; altars upon which we may lay our hands and hearts 
with the invocation of the'Godofour Fathers."' (That is the beginning of one of their 
oaths.) " Well may we call upon the God of truth, justice, and human rights, in our efforts 
to preserve what the great wisdom and heroic acts of our Fathers achieved. 

••This, my friend-, is no small undertaking — requiring patience, fortitude, patriotism, and a 
self-sacrificing disposition from each and all, and may require us to hazard life itHelf, in sup- 
port and defence of those great cardinal principles which are the foundation stones of the 
State and Federal Government." 

'■ To hazard life itself, eh ?" Some of the revolvers with which they were to be armed while 
making the hazard, were seized jusl as they had got them from New York, into the room of 
Commander Dodd, at the same time this bitter pamphlel was found. 

•• The creation of an empire or republic," the ( 'ommandet continues. " or the reconstruction 
of the old Union, by brute force, is simply impossible. The liberation of four million blacks 
and putting them upon an equality with the whites, is a scheme which can only bring its 
authors into shame, contempt, and confusion; no results of this enterprise will ever be realized 

1, eynnd the aruiv id' occupation." 

Is nol this, lei me ask, precisely the doctrines thai my friend has been teaching you : That 
it is a war to free the blacks, and' that we can never do anything in that war — that we cannot 
coerce the Slates, or conquer the people of the South? 

Bui lei the Commander go on:— 

■■ Tin re ru ■ d be no appreht nsion that a war of coercion will be continued by a Democratic 
administration, if placed in control of public affairs, for with the experience of the present 
one, which has for three years, with the unlimited resources of eighteen millions of people, in 
men, money, and ships, won nothing bul its own disgrace, and probable downfall, it is not 
likely thai another, it il values public estimation, will repeat the experiment." 

Yon, gentlemen, have not known that when you were cheering for victories, you were 
(jg for the " disgrace" of your country or the administration thai presides over it. 

i; • till again to the commander: •■ If these men be prolonged in power, they must either 
consent tobecontenl to exercise the power delegated by the people, or, by the gods, they 
must prove themselves physically the stronger." (They must fight.) -'This position is de- 
manded by every true member of this fraternity; honor, life ay, more than life, the virtue of 
our wives and daughters demands it; audit' you intend to make this organization of any 
practical value, yon will do one of two things either take steps to work the political regene- 
• of the party with which we are affiliated, up to this standard, or, relying upon ourselves, 
determine al once our plan of action. 

•■ h mighl be asked now. .-hall men be coerced to go to war. in a mere crusade to free negroes, 
rritorial aggrandizement ? shall our people be taxed to carry forward a war of eman- 
•ii confiscation, or extermination '.'" 

No : bul it -hall. Mr. I '..mmander. and will be Carried on to defend and maintain the great 

:: known as the United state.-. 
B .' still again : — 

■• It would be the happiesl day of my life, if I could stand op with any considerable portion 

of my fellow-men and Bay. nol another dollar nol another man for this nefarious war. But 

tiled Vallandigham will be of greater consequence to you than 



my own. He say- 1 bam, like his emi- 

nent disciple my friend, ha* an " American repugnance to bayoni t - and knocking onl people'! 
brains," and lif says tliat " the onlj issne now ia peace or war.") "To the form< r be La com- 
mitted, and cannot, will nol retract. He telle us nol to commit ourselves to m< d 
he loves, and much aa he admirea the little hero McClellan, be would have the < bicago Con- 
vention act with untrammelled freedom, lie reasons thai the Bpring campaign will be more 
disastrous to the Federal armies than those heretofore made, 'i.'hat by July, the inci 
call fur troops, the certainly of a prolonged war, the rottenness of the financial By stem, de- 
fection of border Slate troops, the Bpread and adoption of the principl 
will all tend to bring conservative men to one mind." 

The commander must have forgotten thai we had nol IfcClellan BtiU al the bead of the 
army when he supposed thai the Bpring campaign would be bo disastrous, and would drag 
along so slowly, lie did not remember thai we had pal "real" soldier- at the lead of the 
army, lie did not know thai Sherman was going righl down to Atlanta to tab 
of the Southern railroad system, lie did nol know thai Grant was going to bend in I 
army and the citizens of Petersburg and Richmond, and then let shcridan go down tie- Val- 
ley, cutting off their last railroad communications, so that in a little while theymusl surren- 
der jusl aa was done to Grant al Vicksburg and to Hanks (who is still not in a gunboat) at 
Porl Hudson. 

Gentlemen: those peace Democrats are just as much mistaken when they say that we 
cannot conquer and repossess our own country, aa they were in supposing thatGranl and 
Sherman and Sheridan would not move our columns onward, or Farra .- into 

play. 

fii the gentleman's clamor against New England, he citea the Hartford Convention as an 
objectionable part of her inn],!. 

Uo yon not know, sir [addressing Mr. Northrop], that in the speech you made this evening 
you elaborated and approved the doctrines id' the Hartford Convention? Ho you not know 
that the men concerned in that movement were the peace men of 1-12? Do you not know 
that they clamored for peace, and urged against the then Democratic Administration e 
charge that you and the Democratic leaders urge against Abraham Lincoln to-night? Ho 
you not know that in that very portion of their report that you read was embodied the spirit 
of the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions of IT '.is, which are indorsed by the Cincinnati Demo- 
cratic platform of 1856, and were reaffirmed by the Hemocratic Convention of I860? It :- 
wonderful that you have failed to perceive all this. At the Chicago Convention, Mr. Long, 
of Ohio, again offered those resolutions, and they were rejected. AVhy were they rejected? 
use by those resolutions the right of a State that believes her constitutional rights to 
have been infringed are limited to nullifying the unconstitutional act. Mark you. in IT'. 1 - 
Virginia and Kentucky adopted resolutions defining the jurisdiction of the National Govern- 
ment over the States; and the Kentucky' resolutions set forth that if the United 9 
Government should infringe the reserved rights of a State, that State might nullify the objec- 
tionable act until its constitutionality could be tried in the Supreme Court. Mr. Alexander 
Long (whom we voted in Congress to be an unworthy member, and whom we would have 
expelled, but that the Democratic, members sustained him, for praying Cod that we I 
never conquer the South) introduced those resolutions at Chicago as an addition to the putt- 
form, and the members of the Convention rejected them on the ground that they believed in 
the doctrine of secession, while the old States Bights resolutions of Kentucky and Virginia 
limited the remedial right of a State to the nullifying of an act until the Supreme Court 
could pass on its constitutionality. Those resolutions were not broad enough for the Chicago 
Convention; they did not assert the right of the South to secede, but did limit the remedial 
right of a State to the nullification of an .unconstitutional law. The members of that Con- 
vention knew that the Federal Government had violated no constitutional right of the Southern 
States, and therefore they would not adopt those resolutions. 

Let me now turn to the passage which was read the other evenini; by my distinguished 
friend from Dwight's History <>/ the Hartford Convention. It is in these words: — 

"That acts of Congress in violation of the Constitution are absolutely void, is an undeniable 
position. It does not, however, cousin witli the respect and forbearance due from a Con- 
federate State towards the General Government, to By to open resistance upon every infraction 
of the Constitution. The mode and energy of the opposition should always conform to the 
nature of the violation, the intention of its authors, the extent of the injury inflicted, the 
determination manifested to persist in it. and the danger of delay. But in cases of deliberate. 
dangerous, and palpable infractions of the Constitution, affecting tie 1 sovereignty of a State 
and liberties of the people, it is notronly the right, but tin duty, of such a State to interpose 
its authority for their protection, in the manner best calculated to secure that end. When 
emergencies occur which are either bey, .ml the reach of the judicial tribunals, or too pressing 
to admit of the delay incident to their* forms. States, which have no common umpire, must be 
their own judges and execute their own decisions." 

It so happens, however, that the States of this Union have a common umpire. My friend 
has made to-night, and throughout this discussion, so far as he has argued logically, just the 



. in the past id. He tells you thai the Southern States 

■ ■ut «if tin- Union becanse the Northern people said ugly things to them ; and he read 
portions of what bad been said. He asked yon whether yon would not strike a person who 
called yon a liar, implying that the Southern States were right in the course they have taken, 
- : in the North have applied offensive epithets, not, however, such as 
" mudsills of society," to them. He contends furiously for " free speech ;" while his whole 
argument in justification of- the South and its wicked war is founded on the fact that certain 
ad during a Long period of time have thoughl for themselves, and have 
what they thought He does nol point yon to a single ad of violence on the part of 
England, or of any one of the States of New England. His whole complaint is that 
some of her clergymen and other citizens will think, and will Bay what they think, and thai 
fore the South has. to say the least, a thorough palliation, if no1 a sufficient vindication 
of her absolute right to go oul and make war on as who remain. Is it not so? 
When the gentleman denounced the Hartford Convention and its address, he was denounc- 
□ doctrines. That assemblage of New England gentlemen who, Belf-appointed, 
without authority-ami without power, mel and prepared an address, which the gentleman 
condemn, agreed with him more largely than he is willing to let you know. Did 
not the gentleman a nighl or two ago close his Bpeech by denunciations of conscription? 
l»id he not contend that the National Government, by assuming the right to conscript and to 
ire the militia of the stairs, is converting the Mate militia into a standing army? Let 
address of the Hartford Convention. I will read from page 358,while he 
read from page 361 of the same volume; there is but one leaf between the two extracts. The 
i 1. rtlord Convention. 
■■Tiir power of dividing the militia of the States into classes, and obliging such classes to 
furnish by contract or draft, able-bodied men to serve for one or more years for the defence 
of the frontier, is not delegated to Congress. If a claim to draft the militia for one year for 
such general objeel be admissible, no limitation ran he assigned to it, but the discretion of 
ho make the law. Thus, with a power in Congress to authorize such a draft or con- 
scription, and in the Executive to decide conclusively upon the existence and continuance of 
mergency, the whole militia may be converted into a standing army, disposable at the 
will of tie- Presidenl of the United State-. 

"The power of compelling the militia, and other citizens of the United States, by a forcible 
draft or conscription, to serve in the regular armies as proposed in a late official letter of the 
tary of War, is not delegated to Congress by the Constitution, and the exercise of it 
would not lie less dangerous to their liberties, than hostile to the sovereignty of the States. 
- power from the right of raising armies, is a flagrant attempt to per- 
vert the sense of the clause in tie' Constitution which confers that right, and is incompatible 
with other provisions in that instrument. The armies of the United States have always been 
. by contract, never by conscription, and nothing now can lie wanting to a Government 
ising the power thus claimed to enable it to usurp the entire control of the militia, in 
. ation of the authority of the State, and to convert it by impressment into a standing 
army.'' 

Aie not tie -e identically the suggestions of the gentleman? They are; and 1 beg him not 

I me, an old Democrat, that it is the Democratic party which stands on the doctrines of 

l:> oedict Arnold, of the Peace men of IM'J, and the Peace men of the war with Mexico. A 

true Democrat denounces Arnold as a traitor, regards most of the doctrines of the Hartford 

Convention as dangerous, and believes that the war witli Mexico was a just war. 1 learned 

all these things in tin; Democratic party, and I proclaimed them all through L844, and at 

later periods when, long after I had come from New England, 1 stumped this State in the 

■ ■I' the Democratic party. Hut. oh. God! what would the spirit of Thomas Jefferson 

think, if it could hear these Peace men proclaiming, in bis name and in the name of Democracy. 

liable sentiment* of Arnold, the doctrines of the Hartford Convention, and the 

i lamoro of the Peace men of the Mexican War.' 

the hook which the gentleman introduced; here is the report from which he read. 

Now. who made that report '.' 1.- New lin-land responsible lor it ? Did it emanate from any 

latnre of New England ? Was it made by any official body ? No: certain gentlemen 
who hail been elected to different Legislatures, and who held the tenet.- of the modern Peace 
Democracy who were opposed to the war who were aiding our enemies by embarrassing 
the Government— appointed a meeting at Hartford, just ae Judge Black and Fernando Wood. 

and a number of peace men appointed a meeting the other day. at the New York Hotel, in 

the city of New York, 'liny were merely private citizens (though very distinguished ones), 
and tiny adopted and published a report. Hut even they land the gentleman knows it as 

well a- I dm, opposed a- they were to the war. did not a-k that the war should lie .-topped. 

Land's fronl protected; that an adequate navy was nol 

provided; that their fishermen and commercial marine were neglected ; that their coast and 
their seaporU had no defence, and they asked that New England might be permitted to raise 
lcr ■ I carry* on the war, as far as thi mite or New England extended, 

PI (1, They did nol ask that the 



flag should be stricken ami furled, ami an armistice granted, and thai we Bhould try to coai 
our enemy into consenting " on Borne terms or other," to le1 as go withoul lookingat thai 
ugly thing, a bayonet, which it Is so un-American to use. Even the members of the Hartford 
Convention did not so far forgel what was due to their manhood as to do that lint the 
gentleman has assumed all thru- doctrines, ami he.mnsl stand by them. 

Let me pause to ask what the Bentimenl of New England really was in regard to the con- 
stitutional qnestions involved in the extrad which the gentleman read? The book whicb 1 
hold in my hand (Elliott's Debate, vol. iv.) contains tin- answer of every New England State 
to the Virginia resolutions of L798. There is the answer of Connecticut, of Massachusetts, 

of New Hampshire, of Vermont, of Rhode Island. They are all there. 1 commend them to 
the gentleman, and I ask him to find in one of them any declaration whicb does nol aj th t1 
the Union is supreme, which does not repudiate the doctrines both of the Virginia and Ken- 
tucky resolutions of L798, and of the Hartford < 'ouvention — which does B01 put those States 
thoroughly upon the doctrine of the supremacy of the General Government. And. sir. no 
one of these States has failed to fill its quota, and to till it promptly, under any call during 
this war. 

Thus, 1 have shown, that when the gentleman went to New England to find there all that 
was. in his judgment, vile — to find all that he might hope would inflame your passions be 
found in the saddest page of her history his own doctrines; when he would point to the mo I 
damning fact in her whole record, he held up before you the conduct and opinions of men who. 
did they still live, and hold the opinions they then did, would rally around him and cheer him 
for the speeches he is making to-night 

Now, sir, I pass to another point. I am, sir, in favor of maintaining the Monroe Doctrine. 
But what is the use of talking about the Monroe Doctrine, while between our armies and 
j Mexico, or Central America, lies a proud military Confederacy. We cannot attempt to carry 
out the Monroe Doctrine until we get Jeff. Davis and his army out of the way. And what 
is the use of fighting Europe about an abstraction which cannot become practical until we 
shall have repossessed our country ? I turn, sir, and ask you, whether you are in favor of 
the Monroe Doctrine; and if yon say you are, I ask you to explain how the United States 
(Joverument can enforce the Monroe Doctrine if it permits an alien Confederacy to extend 
from the Sabine, ay, from the Del Norte to the Potomac. It is my devotion to the Monroe 
Doctrine that makes me want to see this foreign government that has been set up on our 
soil kicked into the Gulf. No foreign or stranger power must flout a flag alongside of ours, 
on the American continent, whether it be the stars and bars of Jeff. Davis, -or the lily of 
France, or the eagle of Austria; and 1 tell you, my friends, that when we have finished tin- 
war in which we are now engaged, the Monroe doctrine must be enforced. When that is to 
be clone, the 127th regiment of U. S. colored troops, that. 1 saw march through the city to- 
day, with others like it, will be of special value. They are composed of just the kimhof men 
to walk across Central America, for the enforcement of the Monroe doctrine. We of the 
white race cannot go there. That is a tropical country ; it is malarious; and its malaria is 
fatal to our race. Do you know that so fatal a region is that to the white man. that to con- 
struct the railroad across the Isthmus cost seven thousand human lives ? Men took the job 
of working upon it. Their names appeared on the pay-roll for one, two, or three days, and 
then they disappeared forever — victims to the Chagres fever, as travellers call it. Our 
enterprising but heartless men, instead of taking negro laborers to make thai railroad, lie- 
cause they are opposed to giving the negro wages for his work, pressed on and hired white 
men until they had laid along the line of that short road the bones of seven thousand human 
beings. We who are born in the North — we whose skins are white, and who thrive in the 
cold regions of the world — we who, in the North, live long, carry our teeth well, get many 
children, cannot live and propagate in that tropical and malarious region. Our race runs out 
there. But in that region the negro lives long; he carries a head as white as the driven 
snow, because no snow comes there to chill him; his family is numerous, and he dies with his 
teeth firmly set in his head. And when we shall have "crushed out" this rebellion, these 
black soldiers of ours will take the American flag in their hands, and sweep across that to us 
pestilent region, and drive the Austrian cousin of the auguBt Emperor of France into the 
ocean or on to a "gunboat," and maintain, in the name of the American people, the Monroe 
doctrine. But they, with the other soldiers of our army, must first annihilate the army of 
Jefferson Davis, which enjoys in so eminent a degree the sympathy of my friend, because the 
New England people made faces at the Southern people and called them ugly Dames. Ye-. 
I am in favor of the Monroe doctrine, of preventing all foreign interference in this country, 
and so are you, my honest Democratic fellow citizens; and yon will overwhelm your 
leaders with 'indignant contempt, when you come to fairly and fully understand what they 
have been and are now doing. 

Now let us turn to the letter of Lord Lyons to Earl Russell, respecting mediation. It is 
an official communication from the English Minister to his Government. It is dated Wash- 
ington, November 17th, 1862 — two years ago the coming 17th of November. 

Lord Lyons writes : — 

" In his despatches of the 17th and 24th ultimo, and of the 17th instant. Mr. Stuart reported 



8 

,.- lordship the result ofth >rm ih Congri - and State officers, which 

\ takes place in Bereral of the moet important Stales of the Union. Without 
iting the details, it will be sufficient for me to observe that the successes of the Demo- 
cratic, or as ;t now styles itself) the conservative party, has been so great as to manifest a 
change in public feeling, among the most rapid and the must complete that has ever been 
i il in tins country. 
•• Ob my arrival at New Vorl;, on the 8th instant, I found the conservative leaders exulting 
in the crowning success achieved by the party in tin- state. They appeared to rejoice, above 
all. in the conviction that personal" liberty and freedom of speech had been secured Cor the 
principal State of the Union. They believed that the Government must at once desist from 
.-111'/ in the State of New York the extraordinary (and as they regarded them) illegal 
ami unconstitutional powers whiob it had assumed. They were confident that at all events 
after the 1st of January next, on which day the newly-elected Governor would come into 
the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus could not be practically maintained." 
Mark you. Democrats, Lord Lyons unformed his Government that the Democratic leaders 
red that Horatio Seymour would bring on a collision between the State of New York 
and the General Government, rather than permit the Government to do that which I have 
Bhown you General Jackson did, and by vindicating the constitutionality of which Douglas 
made his lame. And they talk about being Democrats and patriots. 
His Lordship continues : — 

"On the following morning, however, intelligence arrived from Washington which dashed 
the rising hopes of the Conservatives. It was announced that General .Mct'lellan had been 
dismissed from the command of the Army of the Potomac, and ordered to repair to his home ; 
thai he had. in fact, been removed altogether from active service. The General had been 
regarded as the representativi qf conservative principles in the army." 

"The General had hem regarded as the representative of conservative principles in the 
army." — whin "conservative principles" meant opposition to the suspension of the habeas 
corona and similar exertions of constitutional power! Was ne cheating* the Democratic 
leader.-, or was he cheating the Government and the country? We looked* upon him as the 
head of our army— as one who was striving to lead it to victory; but the Democratic peace 
Lader.-- who were in confidential relations with him looked upon him as their "representative" 
in the army ! 

Again, his Lordship says : " Support of him had been made one of the articles of the Con- 
servative electoral programme. Jlis dismissal was taken as ft sign that the President had 
thrown himself entirely into the arms of the extreme radical party, and that the attempt to 
(any out the policy of that party would be persisted in. The irritation of the Conservatives 
,v York was certainly very great ; it seemed, however, to be not unmixed with conster- 
.ud despondency." 
1 do not wonder at it : for they saw that when he was removed.it was probable that his place 
would be filled hy a General who would represent the United States and not the Democratic 
party. Ju such a change they found full cause for their ••consternation and despon- 
dency." 

Bui again: "Several of the leaders of the Democratic party sought interviews with me, 
both before and after the arrival of the intelligence of General McGlellan's dismissal. The 
subject uppermost in their minds, while they were speaking to me, was naturally that of foreign 
■ in between the North and South." 
Here we see the leader- of the Democratic party creeping to the feet of the British minister, 
to talk of foreign mediation. Are you. sir, and arc these your political brethren in favor of 
A onroe doctrine '.' 
Hut to In- Lordship again : " Many of them seemed to think that this mediation must come 
;•.• last, hut they appeared to be vrerj much afraid of its coming too soon. It was evident that 
ppn bended that a premature proposal of foreign intervention would afford the Radical 
.i means of reviving the violent war spirit, and of thus defeating the peaceful plans of 
the < 'onservati 

• .■ utlemen, do you not agree with me in thinking that if the citizens of this country, espe- 
cially the h -t Democrats, had known that the Democratic leaders were with Lord Lyons, 

trying to eet hi- Government to straighten ua up, by dividing our country, it would have 
•• revived the radical spirit" a lit tie. ami possibly at the cost of some of those leaders? 

I bey," says his Lordship, "appeared to regard the present moment as peculiarly unfavor- 
able for such "u oiler, ami indeed to hold that n would i.e essential to the success of any 
proposal bom abroad, that it Bhould be deferred until the control of the Executive c vern- 
bould lie in the bands of the Conservative party." 
They pledge themselves to Lord Lyons thai when the Governmenl Bhould come into their 
hands Great Britain should have her way about dividing our country; bul they thought it 
would not be judicious to make tiie proposition at that time. "Wait," said they, "till the 
G rnmenl come into the hands of the Conservative party" the party of my friend here 
and of Genera] Met llellan, and of that eminent conservative, George 1 1. Pendleton, who has 

."ted ;, man or ;l dollar I"' Of this war. 



"I gave no opinion," Bays Her Majesty's minister, when reporting the pari be took in toil 
council of Democratic leaders, "mi tie subject I did not say whether or no 1 myself thought 
foreign intervention probable or advisable, bul I listened with attention to the account 
me of the plans and hopes of the conservative party. At the bottom I thought I p< re* »w< d a 
desire to put an end to the war, even at the nek of losing fts Southern States altogt tht r." 

1 am going to prove his lordship was not mistaken, ami that is what they mean, via: to let 

the Sent hern States go. 1 ask my friend, what value the Monroe doe trine WOUld have for us, 
after we had let the Southern Stales go? What interest we would have in the Monroe doc- 
trine, with a foreign military Confederacy sweeping from the Potomac to the Rio Grande T 

"But," continues his lordship. " it was plain that i< was not thoughl prudent to avow this 
desire. Indeed, some hints of it, dropped before the election, "•, r< so ill received that ■ 
declaration in the contrary sense was deemed necessary by the Democratic I ■ 

I pray you, my Democratic fellow-citi/.ens. mark the course of your leaders when in secret 

council." It proves that they do not tell you what they believe ; that they only tell VOU what 

they think will induce you to give them power and follow their fortunes. While with Lord 
Lyons, they were willing to make peace and let the South go; but, on Bounding the 
the people* and finding that such a doctrine was nnpopular, they announced, as you know, 
that if you would put the Government in their hands, they would carry on the war more vig- 
orously than we had done. It was when they had determined on this system of fraud and 

duplicity that they started the lies with which their addresses and papers thenceforth teemed; 
that the Government had embarrassed MeClellan, and would not give him all the men it 
could; that the Democrats were anxious to bring the war to a successful close, bul tie- Gov- 
ernment would not let, them, because the war was a profitable thing for " shoddy" and other 

contractors, etc. You remember all this as well as 1 do. especially you who attended Demo- 
cratic meetings or read the journals of that party. But let me finish with his Lordship's des- 
patch. 

" At the present moment, therefore, the chiefs'cf the Conservative party call loudly for a 
more vigorous pfosecution of the war, and reproach the Government with slackness as well 
as with want of success in its military measures. But they repudiate all idea of interfering 
with the institutions of the Southern people, or of waging a war of subjugation or extermina- 
tion. They maiutain that the object of the military operations should he to place the North 
in a position to demand an armistice with honor and effect. The armistice should, they hold, 
be followed by a convention," (thus two years ago you find these Democratic leaders an- 
nouncing just what should lie the platform of the Chicago Convention -an armistice with a 
viewto'a convention)— " in which such change of the Constitution should be proposed as 
would give the South ample securitv on the subject of its slave property, and would enable 
the North and South to re-unite and live together in peace and harmony. The Conservatives 
profess to think that the South might be induced to take part in such a convention, and that 
a restoration of the Union would be the result. 

&? "The more sagacious members of the party must, however, look upon the proposal of a 
convention merely as a last experiment to test the possibility of re-union. They are. no 
doubt, well aware'that the more probable consequence of an armistice would be the estab- 
lishment of Southern independence, but they perceive that if the South is so utterly alienated 
that no possible concessions will induce it to return voluntarily to the Union, it is wiser to 
agree to separate than to prosecute a cruel and hopeless war." 

Let me borrow the language of my friend's seventh interrogation, and ask whether yon are 
"In favor of the non-intervention of foreign powers on this continent, known as the Monroe 
Doctrine," or are you ready to crawl with the leaders of the Peace Democracy to the feet of 
the British lion, and ask its intervention with the affairs not only of the continent but of our 
own dear country, whose fathers fought that lion eight long years?' Are you ready to see 
this country, which, uuitcd, can defy and conquer the world on land or sea. divided, that while 
England fights one-half of it, France, with its Austrian Emperor in Mexico, may I 
other half? If you are not, I beg you in the name of God and your country to abandon the 
Democratic leaders, who are treating with Lord Lyons and the titled representatives of other 
powers of the continent with reference to the division of our country by an armistice and the 
delusive promise of a convention, which they know can never be had. A people who. having 
rebelled and fought us for four years, and right on the eve of our final victory, have been 
granted all they"asked, will not'make terms with a people whom they would have 
reason to despise as fools, cowards, or traitors. 'If we withdraw our forces from Atlanta, from 
Petersburg, from the Shenandoah Valley, and old Farragut from the front of Mobile, and our 
fleet from the front of Charleston, and" our forces from Louisiana, if we surrender to the 
Southern rebel the free State of West Virginia— if we surrender to them Kentucky, whose 
people, though they for a time occupied a position of neutrality, are now fighting grandly for 
the old flag— if we surrender Andrew Johnson and the people of Bast Tennessee to the 
Southern rebels— could they have respect for or confidence in us? Why. when we have done 
thus much they will make its pay for every slave they have lost, and assume their war debt, 
too. They would threaten us with the dreaded -bayonet" if we did not do all this, and do it 
promptly— and thev would have the right to make these demands, for such a surreiuh r WOqM 



10 

,. :,. in defending our country, and they rightu, ^aUing 
thai thej wiU ... • i council with US after we have -ranted them 

ao armistice, and b ardon for having defended our nationality and flag. 

Gentlemen, 1 m but I cannot help that I My wish is to make a chain of 

. :i t. and weave il together with facta which you all know, which none of you can dis- 

. pursue my own method rather than that suggested by my com- 

for the Bret resolution of the Chicago platform. It reads tints-.— „•,,...", 

! , . ; - in the past, we will adhere with unswerving fidelity to the 

, under the Constitution, as the only solid foundation of our strength, security ami 
bappii pie, and as a framework of government equally conducive to the weitare 

and prosperity of all the States, both Northern and Southern." • 

I reiterate 'what 1 have already Baid, that, in order to understand this declaration you must 

• the Democratic party baa done in the past. Designing men and their dupes 
nd that this resolution is a pledge that the party will support the L mdn. Gentlemen, 

threaded (Sign, which, as you walk one way. exhibits one name, am as 

you walk another way, displays another, and, when you Maud in front of it. shows still another. 

ach : there used to be several of them in this city. This resolution is like 

. those Bigns. To the Bouthern man it reads "the right of secession;" to the unsua- 

\ rthern Democrat, who goes with the party because he has always belonged to it, it 

and when you are right in front of it, as my friend and the Chicago 

managers are, it reads " State Sovereignty." 

To a Bimple, unsuspecting man, this declaration is, on its face, a pledge of fidelity to tlie 

• - with the words, "as in the past," it is a pledge to every Southern 

. that the party adheres to the doctrines which induced Buchanan and his 

cabinet to allow the Southern rebels to construct fortifications around our forts, make prisoners 

regular army, rob US of our arms, and go out of the I'nion, without an effort at resist- 

. the part of the administration. 

"But," says my friend, " what oould Mr. Buchanan have done?" Why, he could have 

. i arms all North instead of Bending them all South; he eeuld have armed all the forts 

in front of Southern cities, instead of leaving then, without armament; he could have put 

: Uanby, with their armies, north of the slave States, and had them ready to 

threat id upon the insurgents, instead of putting them where they could be taken 

. ihout any trouble. Indeed, Twiggs handed his troops over of his own accord. 

Mr. B ould have sent into Congress Jackson's proclamation to the N ullifiers, adding 

alittle posts. ript,8aying, " 1 Bay ditto to General. Jackson''— just as. in the English Parliament, 

iber, unable to compose a* speech, but desirous to make a "splurge," followed one of Mr. 

B eloquent addresses with thewords"J say ditto to Mr. Burke!" If. lames Buchanan 

. not find in the Constitution anything to justify him in maintaining the I'nion. .he could 

Len Gen ral Jackson's proclamation to the people of South Carolina, and sent it into 

.,_■ in-. ■• l believe every doctrine expressed in this greal state paper; and will act 

and a tancess General Jackson would have acted," instead of sending a message 

; B threat to the poor I'nion ]ie(, pie of the South that if they dared to stand 

up to the country and their rights be would abandon them to the tender mercies of their man 

ttg and woman-whipping neighbors. That is what he OOUld have done: and had he done 

• rted a determination to do it. there would not have been war. But for the course 
Northi in men who pledged themselvt t bo sustain the South in secession and to let her 

._;,, in peace - but for the course of Mr. Buchanan's Administration in arming and fortifying 

the rebels, in depriving us of Boldiers and giving them a navy- they never would have under- 

i the w..rk of breaking up the I'nion. If we bad had a patriot in the Presidential chair. 

.: Buchanan, this war would nol have desolated our homes and burdened us 

with \ man who will take up the plank of the Chicago platform, which l have read, 

ami -tn.lv it in the light of hi lory, and a-k who i> to construe the Constitution, if McClellan 

will doui.i its meaning, if the Democracy gel into power, They will take their 

own view of it won't theyl Will, what is Mr. Pendleton's view? Mr. Pendleton was in 

Congress during the whom of Buchanan's Administration. Be made a speech defending 

James Buchanan and denying the right of the Federal Government to coerce a 

i: Fully committed to secession as Jefferson Davis himself ; and in proof of this 

i • r von to the column- of the Gftobe throughout the eight years that he has been in Con- 

ii | open and avowed secessionist; he does not deny it. The convention that 

nominated him dare nol ask him for a formal acceptance of the nomination. The convention 

appointed a committee to apprise the candidates of their nomination; and thai committee 

have never yet addressed a line to Mr. Pendleton, because the] know what his answer would 

reply "that he accepts the platform which is perfectly consistent with his 

entii I nd record." That would be his answer, and the men of that Convention, 

are playing a double game, are afraid to draw that answer forth. When did Voorhees — 

when did either of the Woodj when did Alexander Long, of Ohio when did the Democratic 

p.j,,. Berks Ci tnty, Mr. Anoona, or the representative from the Democratic 



11 

• 

comity of Northampton, Mr. John on, or from Montgomery and Lehigh, v any 

of the other leading Democratic members from this Stale, ever vote for a dollar or a man to 
sustain this war? They are for peace. The; believe in the righl of the Southern Btatee to 
secede and carry with them our patrimony. The; know how the Democratic part] preterm d 
the Union in the past, 

I now, as my time is nearly expended, pass to the third plank of theOhioago platform ; but 
let me first rem i ml yon that I have read yon an article from the 0< nstitution of the Bona of 
Liberty or the Knights of the Golden Circle, and extracts from b sp ech of the Grand I 
mander of the order: I now proceed to Bhow that OBe objecl of the Chicago platform was to 
indorse and encourage that aiming of people to assail as at the polls. Tie third resolution 
reads tlius : — 

"Resolved, Thai the direct interference of the military authority of Hie United Stan-- in the 
recent elections held in Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, and Delaware was b Bhamefnl \ iolation 
of the Constitution, and the repetition of such acts in the approaching election will be held 
as revolutionary, and resisted with all the means ami power under our control." 

Who perpetrated the ads thus denounced in Maryland— who issued the order of October, 
1861, which I read to you on the last evening Of this discussion-- hut 1 he very man whom 
they have placed on their platform? Geo. B. McOlellan, in October, L861, ordered his tr 
to anest any man of a certain description who mighl show himself "I the polls, 5 ei the 
Convention denounces those acts as " revolutionary,'' and ''a Bhamefnl violation of the Consti- 
tution," and pledges the Democratic party to resist a repetition of them •• witli all the ne ana 
and power under their control," and are going around denouncing the Buspension of the ha 
cormts, and talking in vague and unmeaning terms about the unconstitutional acts, the tyranny, 
and the oppression of Abraham Lincoln. Do they point out one tyrannical or unconstitutional 
act? No, not one. They are trying to inflame the passions and extinguish the patriotism of 
the people, so as to induce them to make a scene of riot and carnage on election da;. ; 
they demand that all troops shall bcTemoved from the Northern States, that they may ex 
their fiendish purpose with impunity. As Lord Lyons could write to his Government, on the 
17th of November, 1862, what the Chicago platform of L864 was to be, bo the Sons of Liberty, 
who pledge themselves to lay down their lives, and beg-an buying arms, understood what the 
platform was to be, and they understand what the game is to be. 

The object of these conspirators is to surrender to a foreign Confederacy half of our country, 
and then they hope to carry one State after another into that Confederacy, so that free, intelli- 
gent, wages-paying New England, with its undying hatred of human slavery, shall he left out 
of the new organization. I am against the whole scheme. 1 am heir to the honors and 
glories of every Revolutionary battle that was fought in the Southern States. They are 
heirlooms belonging to me and my posterity. .My forefathers were soldiers in the Revolutionary 
War, and all its honors belong to me in common with the people of this country. Bunker 
Hill and Lexington belong to me and to you ; and while I am unwilling to let them take Eutaw 
or Camden out of the Union, I am also'unwilliug to let them, by denunciation or chicanery. 
put Bunker Hill or Lexington from under the flag of my country. It is all ours. The men 
of the South and the men of New England tracked with their blood the snows of Valley 
Forge with our Pennsylvania fathers. It is all. all our country; and we have but to stand by 
President Lincoln and the war, and our children will inherit it all. 

The gentleman said the other night that all wars end by negotiations, treaty, and compro- 
mise. Yes, all international wars do, but it is not true of civil wars. U it were so, every 
rebellion that ever has occurred would have ended in the division of one country into two. 
But rebellions are generally put down. Texas achieved her independence of Mexico ; but 1 re- 
land has never been able to achieve her independence of England. Poor Kossuth could nut 
achieve the independence of Hungary. Hungary was put down. Poland has never been 
able to achieve her independence of Russia. Insurrections and rebellions are put down. 
People love their country. They may complain of their institutions. I gave Poland my sym- 
pathy in the days of my youth. I gave Hungary my sympathy ; and one of the proudest U s- 
timonials of my life is an autograph letter from Louis Kossuth, thanking me for what 1 had 
done for Hungary. I had argued her cause as my friend tells us Abraham Lincoln argued 
the case of Texas, when her people and our friends who had gone there were .-inking tor free- 
dom against the Mexican despotism and misrule. I ask you to give Abraham Lincoln credit 
for the good words my friend read to you, and remember that they were uttered in favor i 
Texan people enjoying a free American constitution, instead of being recommitted to the des- 
potism of distant and misgoverned Mexico. 

Yes, rebellions are generally put down ; and this one will be put down. The Chicago t on- 
vention pronounced our war a failure. They lied in the throat when they said so. No nation 
has ever conquered so much territory in the same time. Members of the Democratic party 
have told us on the floor of Congress and through their newspapers, that we never can con- 
quer an agricultural people of twelve millions, living on their own soil. Are we not doing it 
rapidly, thoroughly ? I first saw the rebel stars and bars across the Susquehanna, floating 
over most of the houses of the little town of Havre de Grace. At that time. Ben. Butler, 
whom my friend so loathes, had to take his troops down the Susquehanna, and around by An- 



12 

sspolis, to gel them to Washington to defend the Capital. We have meanwhile conquered 

,-,,]. and her people are freer, happier, and more prosperous than they ever were before, 
iblican or an Abolitionist is no l< nger in danger there, but may think ami speak freely. 
- of ill- day and maintained the right of every laborer to wages in 
M iryland, to audiences in which whites and blacks, slaves and Blara 
mingled like the Bquaree of a checker-board ; ami the man who speaks most of 
:.,. nnd Bhows mosl plainly the curse of Blavery, is must welcome in that region as an 
\v,. bold West Virginia, and it is a free State, no 'longer held, as England holds 
Ireland, or Austria holds Hungary, by the slave-driving aristocrats of East Virginia, It is a 
rn themselves. They know by terrible experience the despot- 
om which they have escaped. Why, under the law of the old State, when men and 
women were Belling at $2000 per head, they were by law assessed as worth only three hundred? 
dollars, and when yon could sell a babe in the hour of its birth, if the doctor pronounced it 
healthy, forSlOO, the dealers inhuman flesh being the ruling power of the State, would not allow 
il to be taxed at all until it came to be twelve years of age. The brutal aristocracy control- 
ling H taxed the pig of the farmer in West Virginia ; they taxed his horses, his plough; 
sed his industry in every shape; but by statute they reduced their slave property to 
e-sixth of its value before they allowed the assessor to come near it. There 
West Virginia, a free .-late to-day- as the gentleman would say. a -sovereign State" 
—with her three Union members of Congress and her two Union Senators. I know that the 
. m does no1 like it. because it proves that the Administration and its friends are re- 
ting - : Union. It was for this reason that the delegates from West Virginia were 
ats in the Chicago Convention. 
Let 1 ask my Democratic hearers whether, if half the people of a State, covering half its 
Mine back into the Union, we must say, " No. you must wait till those trai- 
h"o have involved us all in war, are ready to come with you." The people of West 
i wanted to come in. They had a territory nearly as large as half our State, much 
larger than Maryland, and we welcomed them. They rejoice in their subjugation, and are 
devol and freedom. Kentucky had as duly elected members of the last House, 
. Smith. William II. Randall, and Julian Anderson, ami they voted with me every 
If I voted lor the twenty-three acts which the gentleman has referred to, I did it in 
, . with tie-" three Kentuckians, ami the members from Maryland (except my compe- 
•iend, Mr. Harris) and the members from West Virginia, and the majority of members 
from Missouri. 

1 deny that there are any such acts on the statute book. We passed acts touching the 
Ait none of the kind described by the gentleman's question. 
W conquered Missouri, though the rebels are again threatening her borders. 

We, haveapretty broad foothold in Arkansas. We have ransacked the residence of Jeff 
. and found there the letter of Franklin" Pierce, declaring that if the South should secede 
and a w. r begin, it would not be confined to the South, but would extend to our own cities. 
.a towns, our own villages. You remember that letter, for it has been published 
broadci -'. It corresponded with the tenor of .Mr. Buchanan's message, and assured the 
-•ate- thai they could go out without fear of resistance. 
a i- in Mississippi, and we took it with a garrison of thirty-one thousand men. 
"We 1 lodgment that enables us to protect t he freedom of the Mississippi for a 

We have opened that river. This and the conquest of all the territory 
along either side of that river for that immense distance is a work the like of which was 
achieved by any nation in a war of leBS than four years. We hold the commercial 
frontiers of liouisiana, and command the commerce of the Gulf. We can march through 
Florida any day we want to. We are teaching the loyal people on the coast of South Caro- 
lina and the 8< a I land- to read the Lord's Prayer ami the Constitution of the United States, 
which they wi re never permitted before. We hold so much of North Carolina that 
of her people who resist the rebel conscription, and the deserters from their army can 
rally to the number of seventeen hundred and drive dell' Davis's minions from their front. 
(»ur flag, il' we could get it to I hem, would lloat over their citadel, and it will not be long till we 
• Lo them. We hold Norfolk, and havegol back the navy yard where were burned many 
of those magnificent vessels which Ployd surrendered to the embryo Confederacy. We have 
made the American t i : i -r the proudest in the world, and havetaughl England and Prance that 

if we can do BO much during a civil war. we -hall, when we are again one people, be invincible 

i the world united. Our future is a proud one Burelyl LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 

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